Tag Archive for 'reform'

Its finally legal to study in an English Medium School in Karnataka!

If the parents want their children to have primary education in English, they are not committing any crime. It is not illegal or opposed to public policy. The choice of medium of instruction is left to the parents and children. The decision of parents to impart education to their children in well-known international language like English cannot be bypassed, forgetting the hard realities of life [emphasis mine]

– Karnataka High Court in a recent Judgment

Every once in a while a news item comes along that brightens up your day. Today was that day.

For sometime now, about 3,000 unaided (don’t get a penny from the government)  schools in Karnataka have been facing the threat of closure. Their only crime: having the temerity of using English as the primary medium of instruction. That’s all.

The cultural police of Karnataka decided way back in 1994 that children in primary and secondary schools could only be taught in Kannada and some other Indian languages like Urdu, Hindi, Telugu etc. English was out. This was probably justified on grounds of foreign cultural “invasion”, erosion of values, decline of Indian languages and so on. This wide ranging order affected all the schools that had been teaching English to mostly poor little toddlers. The rich were not affected because they already sent their kids to posh and long established English Medium CBSE/ICSE schools that were outside the direct ambit of the order. Now its not hard to understand why poor Indian parents are desperate that their children learn English and why this was just so bad for all the school children in Karnataka.

The Indian Constitution, on even a cursory reading, gives its citizens linguistic freedom and the right to pursue professions and callings relatively unmolested. So the Karnataka government couldn’t really stop children from studying in English. Especially if the school they went to did not get any funding from the state. This was lost on the minister who managed to pass such a jingoistic order way back in 1994. If you have read Yes, Prime Minister you will realize that this is precisely the kind of initiative that a politician cannot oppose in public. It is like cow slaughter or banning dance bars. How many politicians will be able to comfortably come out in public and say that people who don’t believe that the cow is sacred should be able to eat beef? Or that the ban on dance bars is unfair? Similarly, this was one of those orders that just got notified and stayed on the rule books because no local politician could be seen to oppose it. Elections are fought on 3-4% swings and you’d rather not take a stand and risk irritating the “Sons of Soil” constituency which is quite strong in Karnataka. Given that it was also a simple government order, and not a Bill, there was no room for sabotage in the legislature, during which each politician would have publicly sworn their commitment to Kannada and then just let the bill die an easy death in some backroom (most politicians can be pretty rational people). This brings me to another issue on which I must vent: our parliamentary system is so weak and our executive so strong that we simply keep passing boilerplate legislation through which you can drive a truck by issuing notifications, exemptions, circulars and other such bureaucratic devices cheerfully called “delegated legislation.” The American Congress on the other hand zealously guards its domain and frames laws so specifically that no scheming additional-joint-provisional-whatever-secretary and his evil overlord minister can pass wide ranging policy changes. This way stupid initiatives die a silent death in a parliamentary committee instead of passing out unimpeded through the executive order route (as it probably did in this case).

Thankfully, due to the inherent creakiness of the Indian state and our lack of commitment to real action, the implementation of the Karnataka order has been fitful. Some schools kept teaching English on the sly. Every time a government in Bangalore reached new lows it would resurrect “safe” issues like “Tamils are stealing our water”, “Farmers are in Danger” and in this case “Ban English” from the classroom. They now had the 1994 government order handy to threaten schools with “derecognition” (a term that has acquired a particularly Indian feel to it).

Court cases against this government order were filed way back in 1994 in the High Court of Karnataka by the aggrieved English medium schools. After mulling on it until the cud became rancid and fermented our Justices have finally said in 2008 that the government order is against the Indian constitution. Phew! It took 14 years. By the way, the timing of the judgment should not be seen as a coincidence. This judgment has come soon after the inward looking Gowda & Co lost power in Karnataka. Perhaps the Noble Justices thought that delivering the “landmark” judgment under the BJP government would be safer because the party would not seriously pursue an appeal in the Supreme Court. And this would ultimately keep the legacy of these Judges alive. But don’t worry, this judgment too will go on automatic appeal to the Supreme Court to save (future) ass on all sides. And maybe allow some previously unappreciated Supreme Court Justice to make his own definitive “landmark judgment.” After which, the poor High Court Justices’ 319 page judgment will no longer be read, studied or referred to in the press. Dammit. High Court Justices want their own legacy too!

Anyways, this curious political dance has come to an end and children can finally go back to learning their A, B, Cs in Karnataka. Post High Court decision, there will probably be another round of bribe taking from “renegade” English schools in Karnataka. Soon they will be “regularised” (another word that Indians have adopted as their own. Its actually a sister term to derecognition. Derecognition is the older sibling because its threat always comes before eventual “regularisation”). Now, the appeal in the Supreme Court will only be pursued half-seriously to act as a lever for school managements who refuse to pay up regularisation “fees.” Meanwhile, the next landmark judgment from the Supreme Court heads our way a few years from now. That judgment will essentially say the same thing as the Karnataka High Court one, but with greater literary flourish, a greater anguish for the “weaker sections of society” who desire social mobility through English and a few more pages of ink (319 being the lower limit).

Resources for the non-jaded and eager.

[Merinews] Can government impose the medium of instruction?

The above article has some nice background information

[The Telegraph, Calcutta] Court speaks up for language right

[Zeenews] Karnataka HC order on Govt`s order on languages in schools

[Sahilonline] Private schools free to choose medium of instruction

[Khaleej Times] HC trashes Kannada as medium of instruction

[The Hindu] Primary education only in mother tongue violative of the Constitution: HC

[NetIndia 123] Primary education only in mother tongue violative of the Constitution: HC

Reform in India is still not dead

Reform and end the forms (small)
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Today, Maharastra (India’s richest state) repealed an archaic land law, the Urban Land Ceiling Act (ULCRA), 1976. ULCRA was enacted to decrease the concentration of land holdings in cities. If you owned more than the “permissible” amount of urban land in Maharastra, it could be forcibly taken away from you and redistributed to the “needy.” Compensation for your land was a pittance.

The ostensible purpose of ULCRA was to provide low cost housing in cities. But as we all know, these socialist legislations can have very perverse effects. Instead of an urban socialist utopia where the government was going to build low cost housing with hospitals, roads and other urban amenities we have slums and virtual garbage dumps around our cities. Instead of decreasing land prices we have the third highest land prices in the world in Mumbai. The reasons are simple:

(1) As the government tried to forcibly overtake land in the city, thousands of landlords filed cases in the courts. We all know the speed of the Indian Judicial system. Land that could have been privately developed got locked up in court battles. One could argue that that the fault lies in the Indian Judicial system and if the cases were resolved faster this would not have happened. I have two counterpoints to that:

  • Its a reality that the Indian Judicial System is slow and that will not change in a night. Any legislation needs to take ground level realities into account. UCLRA was a foolish act that expected people to just give up their land meekly. We all know that landowners were not going to give up without a good fight and do everything to stop the lands from being taken over.
  • Acquisitions sometimes bring up real questions of law and this takes time to work its way through the system. The state has to justify why a certain landowner’s land is “surplus.” UCLRA raises important legal questions: How far can the Indian state forcibly acquire property from its citizens? Why should successful, law abiding citizen who own a lot of land be penalized for their success? Not all wealth is ill gotten or gotten by oppressing the poor. In this whole debate we need to realize that India is democracy with respect for property rights. It is not a communist state.

(2) A whole new bureaucracy sprang up that put its dirty hands in every land deal. Clearances of all kinds were required and “exemptions” an “No objection certificates” (NOC) needed. These bureaucrats essentially became, in the language of economics, rent-seekers.

(3) Land that was successfully acquired under the act was hardly developed because of the general lethargy of government departments. The quality of urban governance is so abysmal in India that one can not even be sure that deserving recipients would get housing in these acquired lands. Many of these lands fell in a legal limbo or were encroached upon by squatters or politicians.

Until a few years ago, almost all Indian states had UCLRA in place. One by one they have repealed it. Today Maharashtra, AP and West Bengal are the three major states where UCLRA is still operative. Andhra Pradesh is a very progressive state and I believe it will be ultimately repealed there too.

Bengal is the only major state where the politicians are ideologically committed to the objectives of the law. And its no surprise because these rent control and land ceiling laws are showcase legislations for the left parties in India. I hope West Bengal climbs down from its fundamentalist viewpoint and repeals these anti-development and corruption inducing legislations. Calcutta and Mumbai, our most majestic cities have become shantytowns partly because of these cancerous laws.

To the left parties who support these laws I would request them to see the real ground level effects of these laws. Lets recognize human nature and motivation and then frame laws. Communism failed because it was a fundamentally flawed ideology. Many people say that communism failed because it was not “implemented properly” or failed due to a western conspiracy. My view is that it failed because it could not be implemented properly. Any system that denied humans fundamental freedoms like the freedom to trade, to choose a profession, to choose how to live, to choose beliefs and concentrated control in an unelected, all powerful bureaucracy was doomed to failure.

“What does it matter if the cat is black or white as long as it kills rats?” is a very famous quote by Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping. Our leftist leaders must realize this and repeal all legislations that have failed in the past decades. Most often these leftist “leaders” have some vested interests (a union to run, a government department to lord over, bribes to collect) so they hold back these reform moves. Whatever the reasons for holding back reform, whether ideology or vested interest, Indian citizens should put pressure on our elected representatives to overturn these archaic legislations that are holding our country back.

Delimitation or How to hijack Indian democracy by stealth

Delimitation abhi mangta hai!

The delay in implementation of the Delimitation Commission’s report is threatening to affect India’s democracy. Delimitation or redistricting (as it is called in the US) is a highly technical exercise that democracies carry out every few years. It has a very deep impact on the dynamics of electoral politics. Because of its highly technical nature it is subject to abuse and misuse (there can’t be much hue and cry about an issue that not many people understand!) In this article I give a background on the ongoing delimitation exercise in India and explain how a delay in this process could make the Indian democracy unfair.

Every electoral democracy divides its geographic area into different constituencies. In countries like US, UK, India each constituency sends one member to the parliament. Since people are constantly moving around in a country, with the passage of time, some constituencies gain voters while others loose them. It makes sense for the boundaries of all constituencies to be periodically revised so that each parliamentary constituency contains almost the same number of voters. This is to ensure that each citizen’s vote is of the same value. As a practical example, if there are two constituencies that send 1 MP each to the parliament and one has 400,000 voters and the other 1,400,000 voters you might justly accuse the country for treating the citizens of the second constituency unfairly. Sadly, there are many such examples in India today and that is why a fresh apportionment or delimitation is required.

Our constitution provides for a “Delimitation Commission” that is supposed to redraw geographical boundaries of electoral constituencies every census (ten years). But the last delimitation happened on the basis of the 1971 census! This was because Indira Gandhi amended the constitution (42nd amendment) so that delimitation would be frozen on the basis of the 1971 census. The reasoning was quite logical for that time but some distortions have crept in since then. The reasoning was as follows: India has a rapidly growing population. Some areas of India are growing faster in population than others. Relatively richer and educated states like Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, Gujarat have much lower birth rates than the poor UP, Bihar and Orissa (the better off you are, the less children you will have. This is a worldwide phenomenon). So if delimitation continues to happen in the manner envisioned by the Indian constitution, the states that make maximum progress towards development and reduction of population growth rate will send fewer and few MPs to parliament every decade! So it was decided that the number of MPs each state sent to parliament would be frozen. This removed the disincentives to population control the states faced. One can see how this also added some stability to India’s federal structure for no state would tolerate reducing its voting power in parliament!

It was a positive reform and Indira Gandhi was proved right. Lets see some examples. Out of the 543 seats in the Indian parliament, Tamil Nadu, one of the rich (low population grow rate) states, sends 39 MPs to parliament presently. This number of 39 was decided on the basis of Tamil Nadu population in the 1971 census. If India was divided again into 543 parliamentary constituencies on the basis of the 2001 census, Tamil Nadu would only get 32 seats! UP, a poor state (with high population growth rate) has 80 seats today in parliament. On the basis of the 2001 census, it would get 88! (See here for this calculation).

Unfortunately, this well intentioned constitutional amendment introduced some problems of its own. We know that Tamil Nadu has 39 MPs in parliament. Lets say 30 seats came from rural areas and 9 seats from urban areas when the delimitation was originally done on the basis of 1971 census. This means that the rural citizens got 30/39 = ~75% of their states’ representation and urban 25%. Its now 2007. Rapid urbanization has taken place in the 36 years since 1971. Lets say 40% of Tamilians now reside in cities. Sadly, because of the freeze in delimitation they will still enjoy only 25% of the vote! One can understand the distortions this will have in the allocation of resources and the socio-economic priorities of the state. Tamil Nadu is merely an example; each state in the whole country faces the same problem! (Note that this example is numerically hypothetical because I don’t know the exact urban/rural parliamentarian numbers for Tamil Nadu in 1971 or 2001. But the example is very real)

This brings us to the critical point: Urban populations have been exploding but the cities continue to send the same number of MPs since 1970s. When you wonder why politicians continue to talk about farmers day and night and not talk about the city folk, the answer is simple: politicians represent their constituents and urban India is not represented adequately!

The situation is unsustainable and we cannot fight another election on the basis of 1971 boundaries. India’s parliament realizes this and has decided to do a lovely fudge. Each state as a whole will continue to send the same number of MPs as it did since the 1971 census delimitation, but the constituencies within each state will be redrawn so that each has nearly same number of voters. A Delimitation Commission is presently engaged in this task. Sticking to the Tamil Nadu example: If people migrated from villages to cities within Tamil Nadu since 1971, the cities will get more parliamentarians within the quota alloted to Tamil Nadu. While each citizen’s vote across the country will still not be equal, their vote should be of equal value within the state after the fresh delimitation exercise is completed. I believe this is a fair compromise for the long term.

The current Delimitation Commission has completed its work for 25 states across the country. Its baseline data was the 2001 census. Predictably, rural areas within states have lost seats to the cities. There are other side effects: politicians who have won and fought elections in a particular constituency for years are now worrying about changes in the social composition of their (modified) constituencies. Some politicians have lost their constituency all together because it does not exist anymore! With the 2009 elections looming near, there is a real fear that this massive reform in our democratic system might not go through. My fear was confirmed when the Times of India carried an article on September 15 that the delimitation exercise might be scuttled. This will be a extremely negative outcome. If our electoral districts are tied to the past our issues and politics will be tied to the past too.

This is an important issue. We should all learn and talk about it. Lets spread the news. Its vital that delimitation on the basis of 2001 census is implemented in the next election. The report is ready for 25 states. Now we should just have the will to implement it. The fairness of our democracy is at stake.

A Quotable Quote and the APMC Act Saga

Reform is an uphill task!

When anybody tries to apply a foot on the accelerator in this country there are 10 that try to apply the brakes

Read this quote (or an approximately similar) version of it somewhere. It summarizes my sense of disappointment when economic reform is blocked. The reforms are stifled in the name of protecting the weak and poor but in reality are stopped only to protect some special interest group that has gotten fat by exploiting the current system.

A prime example is Karnataka’s APMC (Agricultural Produce and Marketing Committe) Act. Every state has its own APMC Act but they are all broadly similar: The APMC Act sets up a committee for each market area and forces farmers to sell all their produce to it (see footnote [1] below). Predictably, this monopoly is recipe for disaster and tales of exploitation abound. Farmers don’t have a choice to sell their produce in alternate (private) markets or directly to companies (who might be willing to give them a better price). While this monopoly is harmful to farmers it is highly advantageous to traders who have been given this monopoly. So when Karnataka decided to amend this Act, all hell broke loose. APMC members went on strike. The supply of vegetables to Bangalore was affected. The committee members charged that the legislation was “anti farmer,” was designed to give MNCs “backdoor entry” and so on.

Miracles happen in India too and thankfully this reform move has had a happy ending. The Karnataka assembly has passed the law. The Act now has to go to the governor for signing. But lets hope this amendment really translates to ground level changes. Will farmers have more choices? Lets hope so. We can be sure of one thing though: the APMC members will try to sabotage the implementation of this law.

There are many milestones to be crossed before farmers have the freedom to sell their produce in Karnataka. Best of Luck.

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1 Agricultural Markets in most parts of the Country are established and regulated under the State APMC Acts. The whole geographical area in the State is divided and declared as a market area wherein the markets are managed by the Market Committees constituted by the State Governments. Once a particular area is declared a market area and falls under the jurisdiction of a Market Committee, no person or agency is allowed freely to carry on wholesale marketing activities. The monopoly of Government regulated wholesale markets has prevented development of a competitive marketing system in the country, providing no help to farmers in direct marketing, organizing retailing, a smooth raw material supply to agro-processing industries and adoption of innovative marketing system and technologies. (excerpts from the authoritative source)